Crack use in america

All analyses were weighted to account for the complex sample design and analyzed using Stata SE 13 StataCorp, , which used the Taylor series estimation methods in order to acquire accurate standard errors Heeringa et al. Sample characteristics are presented in Table 1. Arrest results in Table 2 suggest that both lifetime and recent crack users were at higher risk of lifetime arrest than powder cocaine users.

Similar, but less robust findings arose regarding recent multiple arrests; however, in the conditional model, powder cocaine use was not associated with multiple arrests. Further analysis Table 3 suggests that risk for multiple arrests increase in relation to crack use—especially recent use. This association, although less robust, was also found for recent powder cocaine use, but not for lifetime use. N s are unweighted, percentages are weighted. N s and percentages for recent month arrests are within those who reported lifetime arrest.

The unconditional models were only adjusted by survey year. All covariates including survey year were adjusted in conditional model. Arrests in last 12 months were only assessed among those that reported lifetime arrest so the subsample contains those who have ever been arrested. We examined recent arrests within the lifetime arrest sample 3. The comparison group is no arrests. With regard to socioeconomic correlates of lifetime cocaine use Table 4 , females, racial minorities, married subjects, and those with health insurance were consistently at lower odds for lifetime use of each form of the drug.

Subjects who were older, employed, resided in cities, or reported government assistance were at higher odds for use of each form of the drug. Medium income was also a risk factor for powder cocaine use until controlling for all other factors.

Having a high school diploma or some college were associated with increased odds for lifetime powder cocaine use, but high school and college graduates were at low odds for crack use. The comparison group is lifetime non-users. Table 5 presents correlates of recent use. Since the outcomes e. Many results were similar to the models examining lifetime use, but key differences emerged. Older subjects were less likely to use powder cocaine, but more likely to use crack.

Blacks were at more than twice the odds for crack use before controlling for other sociodemographics. Full-time employment increased odds for powder cocaine use, but this decreased odds for crack use. Education was not related to powder cocaine use, but higher education particularly college education was robustly protective against crack use. Similarly, higher income was inversely associated with crack use. Therefore, the reader should pay closest attention to direction and significance more so than actual ORs.

The comparison group is month non-users. Finally, with regard to month frequency of use Table 6 , older subjects and blacks reported higher rates of use of each form of the drug, and college graduates reported lower rates of use of each.

Having some college or being a college graduate were associated with lower rates of powder cocaine use, but only college graduates reported lower rates of crack use. This finding is significant not only due to the possible untoward effects of use on the health and well-being, but also because there is federal legislation under review that could eliminate the differential sentencing between crack and powder cocaine users that has been in effect for almost three decades.

Enactment of the new legislation would substantially reduce sentencing disparities, and perhaps incarceration disparities. We found that crack use is more strongly associated with both lifetime arrest and multiple recent arrests than powder cocaine.

Although we could not deduce temporal associations, results do suggest that crack users have a relatively high likelihood of arrest, regardless of whether drug use is directly involved.

If such individuals are already at high risk for multiple arrests, then such users may be at particularly high risk for drug possession charges. We also found varying sociodemographic correlates of powder and crack cocaine use, some of which differ by lifetime versus recent use. Results suggest females are at lower risk of using either powder or crack cocaine compared to males, which is consistent with previous studies Pope et al.

However, females tended to report higher frequency of use of each form of the drug. This is consistent with previous studies among both national and substance-using samples which suggest that despite lower rates of use, female users tend to have higher rates of dependence and comorbid conditions, and also face significant barriers to treatment, especially in rural areas Compton et al.

Examining racial differences is of particular importance given that not only are blacks historically and commonly thought to be at higher risk for crack use, but federal statistics also show that blacks experience higher rates of drug-related arrest rates and may be particularly susceptible to crack-powder cocaine sentencing disparities Blumstein, Compared to whites, racial minorities were at low risk for powder cocaine use, and Hispanics were at low risk for crack use.

Blacks were at increased risk for lifetime and recent crack use in unconditional models, but this association was lost when controlling for all other socioeconomic variables.

Therefore, it appears that blacks are in fact at higher risk for crack use and associated outcomes, but this may be driven by socioeconomic factors—suggesting that SES may be a fundamental cause of racial disparities in crack use. In the conditional models for lifetime use, higher educational attainment was associated with increased likelihood of powdered cocaine use and decreased likelihood of crack use and higher income was associated with decreased likelihood of crack use.

Miech et al. Another key finding is that blacks who did use either powder cocaine or crack tended to use at higher rates. Therefore, even if blacks are less likely to ever use, those who do use may use at higher frequencies and may be more likely to be cocaine-dependent Chen and Kandel, ; Chen and Anthony, and are thus more susceptible to legal consequences.

Other national studies have also found that racial minority status is associated with lower odds for crack use Kasperski et al. However, one must keep in mind that associations may be different for teens as our previous MTF study found that Hispanic high school seniors were consistently at higher odds for crack use, but not powder cocaine use Palamar and Ompad, We also found that residing in an MSA was robustly associated with crack use, particularly recent use.

With respect to adolescent users, powder cocaine use appears to be more prevalent in MSAs than crack Johnston et al. Full-time employment was a risk factor for recent powder cocaine use, but this was a protective factor against crack use. This adds to previous research suggesting frequent crack users tend to be more marginalized from employment, and are less likely to have jobs Cross et al. Higher income was also negatively associated with crack use.

This differs from income findings from our MTF study in that higher student income increased the odds of use of each form of the drug Palamar and Ompad, Previous studies have found that access to disposable income is often associated with cigarette use and alcohol consumption Martin et al.

With respect to adults, it is fitting that those with higher incomes would be more financially equipped to purchase powder cocaine at higher market prices. But this study confirms that crack use is negatively associated with higher income and tends to be used by a more economically marginalized segment of society. With respect to educational attainment, results varied for powder cocaine use, but higher education tended to be strongly protective against crack use.

This adds to evidence from the MTF study, which found that higher parent education consistently decreased odds for use of both powder and crack cocaine Palamar and Ompad, It also adds to findings from another MTF study, which found that acquiring a college education decreased the risk of cocaine use at age 35 Merline et al.

However, the second MTF study did not differentiate between powder cocaine and crack. Studies have shown that there is an inverse association in the US between education and cocaine use since ; this is due in part to decreased cocaine use among those with higher levels of education Chatterji, ; Harder and Chilcoat, ; Miech et al. This is consistent with the belief that more educated adults tend to engage in fewer risk behaviors Harder and Chilcoat, ; Link and Phelan, Crack use among those of lower SES may reflect a misperception of risk or less of a desire to embrace behaviors that benefit health Harder and Chilcoat, We also found that college graduates who do use either form of the drug are more likely to use at lower rates.

This study was cross-sectional so temporality could not be inferred. Those who said they used cocaine, but did not use crack, were thus assumed to have used powder cocaine.

NSDUH excludes homeless individuals not in shelters, active military personnel, and residents of institutional group quarters, including hospitals and jails.

Since this is a national representative sample, we should keep in mind that rates of use may be different e. We could not include poverty index because it is based on income and including it in models led to multicollinearity. Results were similar when we included poverty instead of income in models, but models including income had better fit.

Finally, recent use was relatively rare so results should be viewed with some caution, but we were still able to model precise estimates. In light of the current sentencing disparity, our results suggest adults of lower SES may be at a greater risk for being imprisoned compared to their more advantaged counterparts, as they are more likely to use crack rather than powder cocaine.

Our finding that racial minority adults are at low risk for crack use is somewhat inconsistent with the literature suggesting that young African American males are more likely to use crack Beaver, ; Smart, ; Sterk et al. However, the reader must keep in mind that while unadjusted rates tend to be presented in the policy literature, our multivariable models reduced confounding by SES variables such as income and educational attainment.

We did find that blacks were at higher risk for crack use until controlling for other socioeconomic factors and that blacks tend to use at higher frequencies. Almost a quarter of black adults live in poverty, nearly twice the national average SAMHSA, ; therefore, results suggest race may actually be a confounder for crack use among individuals of lower SES, and that crack use may be more prevalent in resource-poor neighborhoods, many of which are predominantly African American.

The arguably harsh and extreme sentences for crack offenses add to concerns about overcrowding in the US system. Overcrowding negatively affects prison employees as well as inmates and their families, with 14, children enrolled in foster care having at least one incarcerated parent US GAO, Since black individuals in the US are so much more likely to live in in poverty, disproportionate numbers have been incarcerated for crack offenses.

This finding is deeply relevant now as the Smarter Sentencing Act is under review. These findings could have profound implications for the incarceration of those already disadvantaged in society.

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